Verbeterde vennootskap- en samewerkingsooreenkomste (EPCA's) met Oesbekistan

The new Enhanced Partnership and Cooperation Agreements (EPCAs) with Uzbekistan will be the “cornerstone” of its future relations with the EU, according to a think tank. The Brussels-based European Institute for Asian Studies (EIAS) also hailed the “bold” economic reform and liberalization programme carried out by the country’s President Mirziyoyev since he came to power in 2016.

But it also cautions that the “amiable relations” between the EU-Uzbekistan “will depend on the success of ECPA”.

In 'n eksklusiewe onderhoud met hierdie webwerf het Simon Hewitt, 'n navorser van die EIAS, en Alberto Turkstra, die programdirekteur van die dinkskrum, hul siening uiteengesit oor 'n hele reeks kwessies wat verband hou met die betrekkinge tussen die EU en Oezbeeks.

Dit is volgens hulle grotendeels gebaseer op die opdatering van die EU-strategie oor Sentraal-Asië in Mei 2019 as deel van die EU se geopolitieke spilpunt in die rigting van Eurasië, wat 'n 'Sterker, moderne en breë vennootskap' beklemtoon.

The EU strategy revolves around ‘Investing in Regional Cooperation’, ‘Partnering for Resilience’, and ‘Partnering for Prosperity’.

Belegging in streeksamewerking beklemtoon die belangrikheid van 'n geïntegreerde Sentraal-Asiatiese mark, wat volgens die EIAS-paar saamwerk aan gemeenskaplike doelstellings en belange soos omgewingsvolhoubaarheid en die bekamping van terrorisme.

Om vir veerkragtigheid saam te werk, is om te help om lande in Sentraal-Asië, waaronder Oesbekistan, te ondersteun om hul binnelandse en eksterne doelwitte te bereik, terwyl hulle 'n nouer vennootskap aangaan om menseregte te bevorder en die belangrikheid van die oppergesag van die wet te onderstreep.

advertensie

Om vir welvaart saam te werk, beteken dat die private sektor 'n hupstoot moet gee om aan die wêreld te wys dat Sentraal-Asië oop is vir besigheid en beleggings. Dit sluit ook 'n "uitkyk op konnektiwiteit" op innovasietegnologieë in, met die klem op die ontwikkeling van onderwys en vaardighede vir die jeug.

Hierdeur steun die EU steeds die toetreding van Sentraal-Asiatiese lande soos Oesbekistan tot die Wêreldhandelsorganisasie (WHO).

The two EIAS officials go on to say: “The need for an update to this outlook is based on the positive changes that have occurred in the region in the past few years, Uzbekistan in particular, which has committed itself to economic liberalisation and a comprehensive reform process.”

The EU is Uzbekistan’s third-largest trading partner. This position can be consolidated as Uzbekistan seeks GSP+ membership (the EU General System of Preferences that unilaterally grants duty-free access for most goods). Uzbekistan has signed all agreements necessary to be entitled to GSP+ status.

Rural development, the situation in the Aral Sea and WTO accession are focal areas of EU development co-operation with Uzbekistan, say the EIAS pair.

“Through improving the trade and business climate in Uzbekistan, WTO accession will be accelerated, and stakeholder and private sector awareness will be increased as a result.”

In die konteks van die EU Green Deal as een van die topprioriteite van die Europese Kommissie onder Ursula von der Leyen, is dit geen verrassing dat hierdie gebied een van die mees belowende weë bied vir samewerking tussen EU en Oezbekistan en die EU en Sentraal-Asië die toekoms, ”sê hulle.

“In fact, the first regional support programme of the new Commission to Central Asia is the ‘Sustainable Energy Connectivity in Central Asia’ (SECCA) programme. The overall objective of this programme is to promote a more sustainable energy mix in the Central Asia region in line with EU best practices. It will work through a range of activities to achieve concrete outputs to strengthen public capacity, raise awareness, improve data and modelling, improve the identification of bankable projects, and boost regional cooperation.”

Wat is die basiese beginsels van die EPCA tussen die twee partye en hoe belangrik is hierdie ooreenkoms, nie net vir Oesbekistan nie, maar ook vir die EU?

Hewitt and Turkstra told EUReporter that the New EU Strategy on Central Asia indicates that new-generation bilateral EPCAs  “will be the cornerstone of engagement with the individual Central Asian Countries” including Uzbekistan.

Hulle gaan voort: 'Die EU sien die EPCA's as instrumente om konvergensie met EU-reëls en -standaarde te bevorder en om hindernisse vir handel te verwyder, wat wederkerige marktoegang in die proses vergemaklik, en dra by tot die beskerming van intellektuele eiendomsregte en geografiese aanduidings. Verder sal hierdie EPCA's 'n verskerpte beleidsdialoog oor verskillende sektore soos klimaatsverandering, korrupsie en die stryd teen terrorisme vergemaklik. '

Die EPCA met Kazakstan is in 2015 onderteken en het in 2020 in werking getree. Onderhandelinge oor EPCA met die Kirgiziese Republiek het in November 2017 begin. Tadjikistan het die begin van EPCA-onderhandelinge versoek, maar dit het nog nie gebeur nie. Wat Turkmenistan betref, is die Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) nog nie deur die Europese Parlement bekragtig nie weens kommer oor menseregte.

Op 16 Julie 2018 het die Raad onderhandelingsriglyne vir die hoë verteenwoordiger vir buitelandse sake en veiligheidsbeleid en die Europese Kommissie aangeneem om 'n EPCA met Oesbekistan te onderhandel. Die nuwe ooreenkoms sal die 1999-vennootskap- en samewerkingsooreenkoms vervang en die betrekkinge tussen die EU en Oesbekistan verder versterk.

Die onderhandeling oor die EPCA tussen die EU en Oesbekistan duur tans voort en betrokkenheid is steeds 'baie konstruktief'. Albei kante het in 2019 vier onderhandelingsrondes oor die EPCA met die Europese Unie gevoer. Die EPCA van die EU-Oezbekistan sal na verwagting gebiede dek soos politieke dialoog en hervormings, die oppergesag van die reg, geregtigheid, vryheid en veiligheid, menseregte, anti- korrupsie, migrasie en handel, asook ekonomiese en volhoubare ontwikkeling.

Voordat COVID-19 verwoesting regoor die wêreld begin veroorsaak het, was die bedoeling dat hierdie ooreenkoms in 2020 onderteken sou word. Dit is in hierdie stadium nog nie heeltemal seker dat hierdie sperdatum nog realisties is nie, sê die EIAS-amptenare.

They added: “It would be ideal to avoid such a lengthy gap in time between its signature and the start of its implementation – as happened with Kazakhstan (2015-2020).”

“In any case, through the EPCA, both sides signal their readiness to step up their engagement and elevate bilateral relations to a quantitative and qualitative higher level.”

They also pay tribute to the “bold economic reform and liberalisation of economic framework” carried out after the accession of President Mirziyoyev in 2016.

Currency convertibility has been introduced, and trade and investment barriers reduced This, they say, has created increased flows of FDI and a more competitive economy.

“There has also been a general improvement to the business culture.”

Die land se gemak om sake-indeks te doen, het aansienlik toegeneem van 141ste in 2015 tot 87ste in 2016, met voortgesette vordering tot 69ste in 2020.

Hewitt and Turkstra add, “Economic success will only continue, in part due to both strong population growth and a youthful one at that.”

Uzbekistan was named 2019 Nation of the Year by The Economist; providing international recognition of its progress since 2016, they say.

“President Mirziyoyev put an end to several features of despot Islam Karimov’s reign, including forced labour and the suppression of foreign journalists.”

Die paar voeg by: "Daar is vordering gemaak met die beëindiging van kinderarbeid en geleidelike beëindiging van die afhanklikheid van die katoenbedryf, waarvan die twee onderling verbind is."

But they also caution: “Uzbekistan needs to improve on areas of democratization, transparency and international standards, however as noted by The Economist, ‘though it is far from a democracy’ some ‘mild criticisms’ have been levelled toward the government, unthinkable pre-2016.

“The government should also act on its promise to introduce an independent judiciary, allowing NGO’s to operate, and allowing multi-party elections.”

Censorship, they note, remains an issue, and though Press Freedom has been improved on since Karimov’s death, “there is room for further results.”

In die Persvryheidsindeks het Oesbekistan in 166 2016ste gekom en in 156 na 2020th beweeg, 2de na slegs Kirgisië in terme van Sentraal-Asiatiese state.

“As such, one can characterize Uzbekistan as undergoing a two-speed reform process: prioritization on economic reforms and investment environment, while other areas (social, political) while definitely showing progress are doing so at a less impressive speed.”

Een herhalende vraag is of Oesbekistan sy toekoms meer met Rusland of die Weste en die EU sien.

On this, Hewitt and Turkstra say that Uzbekistan has adopted a “multi-faceted foreign policy, aiming to remain equidistant from all global centres of power, staying neutral which will allow it to co-operate with any nation or people”.

“It will maintain this current policy for now.”

Hulle het bygevoeg: 'Die besoek van president Mirzhiyoyev aan die Verenigde State op uitnodiging van president Trump word beskou as 'n belangrike oomblik vir Oesbekistan se plek in die internasionale arena, omdat hy die land se ekonomiese groei en positiewe sosiale hervorming geprys het.'

Die amptenare van die EIAS merk op dat Oesbekistan baie belangrik is daaraan om sy vennootskap met die EU te verdiep deur die instelling van 'n nuwe ECPA, en die skepping van 'n Oezbeeks-Europese Raad vir buitelandse beleggings.

“The EU is regarded generally by Central Asian states as an inclusive international actor which can balance other external powers. The amiable relations between the EU-Uzbekistan will depend on the success of ECPA, though negotiations continue to be productive.”

Die Oesbekiese betrekkinge met Rusland bly sterk, sê hulle en voeg by dat Oesbekistan die eerste land was wat Vladimir Poetin besoek het toe hy die Russiese presidentskap in 2000 verwerf het.

They said: “The EU should be wary that Uzbekistan is a member of the SCO (Shanghai Cooperation Organization) which some inaccurately portray as the East’s answer to NATO.”

Die Oesbekies-Rusland-betrekkinge berus tans meestal op energiebelange, hoewel onlangse bilaterale militêre opleiding en wapenooreenkomste verdere bande kan aandui, sê die EIAS.

Hewitt and Turkstra said: “However, Uzbekistan clearly wishes to maintain its equidistant strategy, and it is unlikely that Uzbekistan would attempt to rejoin the CSTO (Collective Security Treaty Organization) or anything to that  effect.

“One needs to point a few hiccups in Uzbek-Russian relations. Russian criticism of Uzbekistan’s plans to enforce the use of the Uzbek language in the civil service (to which Uzbekistan strongly responded that such matters were “an exclusive prerogative of the state’s domestic policy, interference in which is unacceptable).

“Uzbekistan’s lukewarm embrace of the Russia-led Eurasian Economic Union, which Uzbekistan joined only as an observer.”

Looking to the future, Hewitt and Turkstra said: “For now, the importance of Uzbekistan’s continued ‘opening up’ process is a priority for the nation and until Uzbekistan is a recognized international actor it is likely that President Mirziyoyev’s foreign policy will continue to be one of ‘equidistance’.”

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